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  • Dalforce 1941's Avatar
    2,185 posts since Dec '11
    • They no balls, alone, scared don't dare to rape. All form one gang than dare to pick on victims and rape. pui.

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    2,185 posts since Dec '11
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    2,185 posts since Dec '11
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    2,185 posts since Dec '11

      Filipino Jabidah recruits plotted standoff in Sabah

      POSTED ON 03/10/2013 12:48 PM  | UPDATED 03/11/2013 10:26 PM

      TAWI-TAWI, Philippines – They were part of a covert military operation to seize Sabah from Malaysian control in the late 1960s. This time around, they are part of an overt plan to claim it again.

      Two of the members of the Royal Sultanate Army – or the Royal Sultanate Force (RSF), as they're commonly known here – who trooped to Sabah on Feb 14, 2013 were among the recruits of the Jabidah commando unit under the secret plot Oplan Merdeka 4 decades ago. (Read: Sabah, Merdeka and Aquino)

      Oplan Merdeka (freedom in Bahasa Melayu) was hatched by the Marcos military to send Muslim recruits to invade Sabah in 1968.

      The exposed plot soured relations between Manila and Kuala Lumpur, prompting the latter to train and provide sanctuary to rebels belonging to the Moro National Liberation Front.

      It is also here, in this picturesque Simunul town lulled by clear waters and white sand, where the Jabidah unit's chief recruiter and trainor, then Army Maj Eduardo Martelino, held initial training for his recruits. He set up a training camp here called Sophia, named after a beautiful Simunul lass he later married.

      Two of Martelino's recruits, Musa Abdulla and Ernesto Sambas, were among at least 13 Simunul residents who boarded two ships to Lahad Datu, along with about 200 of their comrades, last February 14.

      The two were able to escape from Corregidor Island in 1968 before the military shot dead their fellow recruits in what is now known as the Jabidah massacre, that lit the Muslim rebellion in Mindanao.

      Today, Musa and Sambas are said to have cut off communication with their families in Simunul. Did they survive the Malaysian military offensive in Lahad Datu? Or were they among the reported 60 casualties in the Sabah standoff? No one here knows.


      Although they share a common past, Abdullah and Sambas have different stories to tell.

      Musa is the known military strategist of the gunmen in Sabah.

      On the other hand, Sambas is a frustrated soldier who had tried in vain to return to service. He was the first Jabidah recruit from Simunul to be commissioned by the military as an officer with the rank of 2nd lieutenant, according to the book "Under the Crescent Moon: Rebellion in Mindanao" by Marites Dañguilan Vitug and Glenda M. Gloria that was first published in 1999.

      The strategist

      While Raja Muda Agbimuddin Kiram, an heir of the Sultan of Sulu, is the known leader of the armed Filipinos now on the run in Sabah, it was really Musa who mapped out the plan behind the Sabah standoff, Simunul residents told Rappler. (Read: Raja Muda escapes arrest)

      Now in his 60s, Musa is the deputy chief of staff of the RSF, a rank below Raja Muda, they added.


      After the botched Merdeka plan, Musa retired from the military. It's unclear what he did for a living in the succeeding years. Somewhere in between, he became the deputy chief of staff of the RSF.

      Simunul Mayor Nazif Ahmad Abdurahman said Musa lived a retiree’s life. He would farm every now and then and was often seen buying fish from the port on early mornings. Musa’s wife, Aurelia, is the principal of Simunul Elementary School.

      Musa’s home, a tattered wooden abode with a run-down car parked in a makeshift garage, is located by the side of the RSF camp in Simunul. From his house, he would have a good view of the entire camp, especially the meeting area where RSF members held regular meetings before the standoff.

      Ibnohasim Akmad, an RSF member from Sulu, said Musa is their more visible leader, not Raja Muda.

      Akmad, who was left behind when the group went to Sabah, said that during his one-month stay before the Sabah standoff, Raja Muda – who lives in Barangay Tubig Indangan, a kilometer away from the camp -- only visited their camp "sometimes."

      It was Musa, Akmad said, who taught them about “military rules.”

      “He just taught us certain formation then we were briefed about rules and regulations about the military, how to do it as military, how to follow military laws,” Akmad said.

      Akmad refused to provide details of their “trainings," but denied these included firing guns.

      He said goodbye

      Musa’s wife, Aurelia, said he told her about their plan before the group left for Sabah.

      “The truth is, he said goodbye. Even if I didn’t want him to go, I can’t do anything about it,” she said in Filipino over the phone.

      COMMANDER'S HOME. Musa Abdulla, deputy chief of the Royal Sultanate Forces, lives within the camp. Photo by Karlos ManlupigCOMMANDER'S HOME. Musa Abdulla, deputy chief of the Royal Sultanate Forces, lives within the camp. Photo by Karlos Manlupig

      Like most Tawi-Tawi residents, it was not the first time that Musa had gone to Sabah. Aurelia said Musa had gone to Sabah twice this year to visit his siblings in Lahad Datu.

      At the height of the second Malaysian assault on Lahad Datu on March 5, a police official told us: “Kapag si Musa ang nawala o nahuli, wala na, dun na mabubuwag iyan, (If Musa dies or is captured, that’s when the forces will be defeated)."

      A few hours after, the Kiram family declared a ceasefire – an appeal that Malaysia rejected.

      Musa’s wife said she has not talked to Musa since he left because Musa didn’t own a cell phone.

      Frustrated soldier

      Sambas has a slightly different narrative.

      When news broke about the Jabidah massacre on Corregidor Island in 1968, Sambas’ father, a former barangay chairman for 20 years, quickly travelled from Tawi-Tawi to Manila to fetch his son from Fort Bonifacio.They returned to their home in Barangay Manuk Mangkaw on Simunul Island.

      FAILED DREAMS. Ernesto Sambas rarely left his home after grudgingly leaving the military. Photo by Karlos ManlupigFAILED DREAMS. Ernesto Sambas rarely left his home after grudgingly leaving the military. Photo by Karlos Manlupig

      “His father brought him home to show our neighbors that he is alive,” Sambas’ wife, Rubia said in Sinama, the language of the Sama.

      After Sambas left Fort Bonifacio, he was never able to do what he has always aspired for – to become a soldier again.

      A framed certificate that shows Sambas had completed his initial Jabidah military training course hangs on the wall of Sambas' house. Aurelia said his husband served as 2nd lieutenant of the Jabidah commando unit.

      "Under the Crescent Moon" tells Sambas' story as the first Jabidah recruit to be commissioned officer by the Army. "[Sambas] remembers that day in 1967 when he saw [then Maj Eduardo] Martelino's recruits jogging on the rugged streets of Simunul. 'They looked like they were having fun.' One morning, Martelino passed by Sambas' house, looking for the latter's father who was then a municipal official. Martelino ended up talking with Sambas who signified his interest in joining the troops he saw."

      "It didn't take much on Martelino's part to lure Sambas into joining the Sabah mission. Sambas claimed they were told early on about this plan even while they were still in the training camp in Simunul. He was thrilled by the prospect of becoming a soldier and joining an elite mission at that. In August 1967, Sambas joined Martelino's men in their combat training at Camp Sophia, which overlooked the sea."

      Sambas lived his post-Jabidah life hoping that he could one day return to the army.

      Promises were made but none pulled through, including one by the late Brig. Gen. Eduardo Batalla, then commander of the Philippine Constabulary in Western Mindanao, whom Sambas’ wife said was his contemporary in the military.

      Battalla had supposedly said he would help Sambas return to the military once he became a general. Batalla had reason to make such a promise; he, too, was one of the young officers assigned to train the Muslim recruits on Corregidor Island, according to the book.

      But Batalla was slain in Zamboanga City in a 1989 botched operation against gang leader Rizal Ali.

      “He became frustrated and disappointed. He suffered from low self-esteem,” Sambas' wife told us.

      Sambas spent most of time at home and was never able to get a decent job. None of his 3 kids were able to finish schooling.

      Failed dreams

      At 64, Sambas still held on to his dream of going back to service, and his wife continues to question why none of those who said they would help him ever got back to them.

      Unlike Musa, Sambas did not tell his wife that he was going to Sabah. Aurelia said Sambas quietly and hurriedly packed his things on the day of February 14.

      “I asked him where he was going but we couldn’t talk to him. He wasn’t answering,” she said.


      She only learned about the Sabah standoff after watching TV news, the main source of information for Simunul residents. The family was able to contact Sambas during the first two days of their stay in Sabah.

      But they have not heard from him since.

      Would Musa and Sambas repeat history and live to tell another Sabah story? 





      Edited by Dalforce 1941 12 Mar `13, 9:11PM
  • Dalforce 1941's Avatar
    2,185 posts since Dec '11
    • Originally posted by Just_do_it_lah:

      they will shift the container terminals at Tanjong Pagar to Pasir Panjang... 

      All these costal areas are potential sentova coves, can help to boost real estate industry.

  • Dalforce 1941's Avatar
    2,185 posts since Dec '11
    • What about media industry? You compare openess of Taiwan media and local media, it is like comparing heaven and earth.

      Edited by Dalforce 1941 12 Mar `13, 2:57PM
  • Dalforce 1941's Avatar
    2,185 posts since Dec '11
  • Dalforce 1941's Avatar
    2,185 posts since Dec '11
    • The current demographics problems are mainly due to the rubbish and garbage population control policies of Harry Lee Kuan Yew. 


      Women bore brunt of Lee Kuan Yew's draconian population policy

      08 March 2013

      Chee Siok Chin

      Former prime minister Mr Lee Kuan Yew must take responsibility for the current population issues that Singapore is now facing. The current PAP Government has not acknowledged that it was Mr Lee's miscalculated policy of Stop-At-Two" that has resulted in today's population and immigration woes.

      What is more tragic is how this policy had affected women in Singapore. The Stop-At-Two campaign launched in 1972 was aimed at the "less educated and lower income groups" to control Singapore's fast-increasing population then.

      What is deplorable were the measures that the Government resorted to in order to discourage Singaporean families from having more than two children. It was women who bore the brunt of Mr Lee's notions and practices.

      Women who had given birth to their second child were encouraged to undergo ligation, that is, to tie up fallopian tubes. Women with low-incomes and deemed lowly-educated, were offered seven days' paid leave and $10,000 in cash incentives to voluntarily undergo the procedure.

      Mothers who gave birth to a third child were confronted with disincentives such as: civil servants were no longer given maternity leave; maternity hospitals charged progressively higher fees for each additional birth; income tax deductions were eliminated after the second child; third and subsequent children were given a lower priority in the choice of and admission to schools.

      In 1984, the Graduate Mothers' Scheme was announced. Mothers who were university graduates were given preferential school admission to children over non-graduate mother. The Government also established a Social Development Unit (SDU) to act as matchmaker for unmarried university graduates. And Social Development Service (SDS) for non-graduates.

      The decision to legalise abortion in 1970 was not born out of ethical considerations but to facilitate the Stop-At-Two policy. Singaporeans, especially women, were disempowered and silenced by these draconian practices.

      Singapore has come some way from such warped practices against women even if they were not explicitly targets. Despite the patriarchal society that Singapore still is, women here will not be silent about such oppressive conventions.

      Many of the problems Singaporeans are experiencing today are a result of the ill-conceived population policies of yesteryear. As a result, the SDP has creatively addressed working solutions that re-empower Singaporeans and make the country less reliant on foreign labour and able to stand on our own. 

      The Women Democrats has come a long way since its inception in 2001 and we continue to grow and play an integral part in our Party. We will continue to speak up and stand up for Singaporeans – women and men alike.

      On this International Women's Day celebrated on 8 March every year, I would like to wish women in Singapore and all over the world empowering and meaningful lives. Happy Women's Day! 

      Ms Chee Siok Chin is a member of the SDP's Central Executive Committee and Head of women Democrats, SDP's women wing.


  • Dalforce 1941's Avatar
    2,185 posts since Dec '11
    • Singapore population can increase to 20-30 million by 2050. We can fight with Malaysia.

      Edited by Dalforce 1941 09 Mar `13, 11:27PM
  • Dalforce 1941's Avatar
    2,185 posts since Dec '11
    • Alex Ong is also a forummer at sgforums. He is also a bus fan. I hope that he gets well soon.



      depression is very scary de
      just feel like dying all the time
      lucky I manage to get over it

      I also wish you all the best. 

      Edited by Dalforce 1941 09 Mar `13, 11:13PM
  • Dalforce 1941's Avatar
    2,185 posts since Dec '11

      Don: Sabah is not the sultanate's


      Wednesday March 6, 2013

      PETALING JAYA: The Sulu Sultanate cannot turn back the pages of history to reclaim Sabah, said prominent historian Prof Emeritus Tan Sri Khoo Kay Kim.



      If such a precedent was to be set, then Singapore should be returned to Johor and Penang to Kedah, he said.

      “Their (Sulu Sultanate's) claims are difficult to come to terms with as what has been accepted for such a long time cannot be changed,” he added.

      “Even if the matter is taken to the International Court, Malaysia would have a better chance of winning as Sabah had been part of the country for a long time.”

      Prof Khoo said that although the state was originally part of Sulu, the British North Borneo Company had taken control of North Borneo, now known as Sabah, in 1882.

      He said transmigration of Filipinos into Sabah had been ongoing as they felt they belonged to this part of the region although the Malaysian authorities regarded them as illegal immigrants.

      “I am surprised why they resorted to arms this time around,” he said.

      Institute of Indonesia, Thailand and Singapore Studies director Prof Kamarulnizam Abdullah said the Sulu Sultanate should honour previous agreements in which they ceded the territory to the colonial powers.

      “We have inherited agreements made in the past,” he said, adding that social media users and the Opposition in both Malaysia and the Philippines appeared to be provoking the situation in Sabah.

      “They appear to be politicising the situation to discredit the governments of the two countries,” he said, adding that the people should reject those who put politics before national sovereignty and security.

      In JELEBU, Information, Communications and Culture Minister Datuk Seri Dr Rais Yatim said that based on international law, Sabah legally belonged to Malaysia and the state and any part of it cannot be claimed by any party.

      He cited the Cobbold Commission 1963 findings that the majority of Sabahans agreed for their state to be part of the Federation of Malaysia.

      (The commission, headed by former Bank of England governor Lord Cobbold, was also responsible for the drafting of the Federal Constitution prior to the formation of Malaysia).

      Speaking to reporters after attending an event with prisoners and narcotics rehabilitation centre inmates, Rais said Sabah's entry into Malaysia was a nation-building move and the state's territory could not be claimed by any party after that.




      Edited by Dalforce 1941 06 Mar `13, 8:27PM
  • Dalforce 1941's Avatar
    2,185 posts since Dec '11
    • Originally posted by Summer hill:

      Meanwhile, in USA, they owned >2000 nukes, while NK owns less than 10. I would like to see the US disarming their nukes before telling NK to let go of their nukes. 

      You criticised U.S. foreign policies, you have potential to be anti-imperialist.

  • Dalforce 1941's Avatar
    2,185 posts since Dec '11
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    2,185 posts since Dec '11
  • Dalforce 1941's Avatar
    2,185 posts since Dec '11
    • Originally posted by Mr Milo:

      A monster of their own making

      Like the Taliban, Osama bin laden, both indirectly supported by CIA in 80s and Hamas, used to be supported by Israel.

  • Dalforce 1941's Avatar
    2,185 posts since Dec '11
    • Venezuela's Hugo Chavez dies of cancer
      Posted: 06 March 2013 0603 hrs

      CARACAS: Venezuelan President Hugo Chavez lost his battle with cancer on Tuesday, his death silencing the leading voice of the Latin American left and plunging his oil-rich nation into an uncertain future. 

      Vice President Nicolas Maduro, who struggled to stifle tears as he announced Chavez's passing, said the government had deployed the armed forces and police "to accompany and protect our people and guarantee the peace." 

      Chavez had named Maduro as his heir, but the Venezuelan opposition is sure to press for fresh elections and tensions have been mounting over government allegations that its domestic rivals are in league with its foreign foes. 

      Shortly before Chavez's death was announced, senior officials had accused Venezuela's enemies of somehow giving the 58-year-old leftist the cancer that eventually killed him, and two US military attaches were expelled. 

      Chavez was showered with tributes by Latin American leaders, not just his leftist allies but also world figures like Brazil's Dilma Rousseff, who hailed him as a "great Latin American" and "a friend of the Brazilian people." 

      US President Barack Obama pledged the United States to support the "Venezuelan people" and describing Chavez's passing as a "challenging time." 

      "As Venezuela begins a new chapter in its history, the United States remains committed to policies that promote democratic principles, the rule of law, and respect for human rights," Obama said in a short written statement. 

      He nevertheless expressed hope that US-Venezuelan relations would improve. 

      Under the constitution, elections must be held within 30 days and National Assembly speaker Diosdado Cabello must take over as caretaker, but Chavez had urged Venezuelans to back Maduro if he was unable to continue. 

      Die-hard Chavista partisans gathered in Caracas' Plaza Bolivar -- named after the independence hero whose legacy Chavez co-opted for his Bolivarian Revolution -- weeping, waving portraits and chanting his name. 

      One of Chavez's daughters, 32-year-old Maria Gabriela, wrote on Twitter: "I'm lost for words. Eternally, THANK YOU! Strength! We must follow his example. We must continue building the FATHERLAND! Farewell my daddy!" 

      Soldiers brought the Venezuelan flag down to half-staff at the Caracas military hospital, where senior figures in Chavez's 14-year-old administration gathered before the cameras of state television to break the news. 

      "We have received the toughest and tragic information that... comandante President Hugo Chavez died today at 4:25 pm," Maduro said.

      "Long live Chavez!" the officials shouted at the end of his announcement. 

      Defence Minister Diego Molero, surrounded by top military officers, said the armed forces would defend the constitution and respect Chavez's wishes. 

      Chavez had checked into the hospital on February 18 for a course of chemotherapy after spending two months in Cuba, where in December he had undergone his fourth round of cancer surgery since June 2011. 

      The once ubiquitous symbol of Latin America's "anti-imperialist" left disappeared from public view after he was flown to Cuba on December 10, an unprecedented absence from the public eye that fuelled all manner of rumours. 

      The government sent mixed signals about the president's health for weeks, warning one day that he was battling for his life, yet insisting as recently as last weekend that he was still in charge and giving orders. 

      The opposition repeatedly accused the government of lying about the president's condition. 

      A new election could offer another shot at the presidency to Henrique Capriles, the opposition leader who lost to Chavez in October. He took to Twitter to call for unity. 

      "My solidarity is with the entire family and followers of President Hugo Chavez, we call for Venezuelan unity at this moment," Capriles wrote. 

      Chavez will be mourned by many of the country's poor, who revered the self-styled revolutionary for using the country's oil riches to fund popular housing, health, food and education programs. 

      Like-minded Latin American leaders like Cuba's Raul Castro, Ecuador's Rafael Correa and Bolivia's Evo Morales lost a close friend who used his diplomatic muscle and cheap oil to shore up their rule. 

      Chavez died five months after winning an October election, overcoming public frustration over a rising murder rate, regular blackouts and soaring inflation. 

      The opposition had accused Chavez of misusing public funds for his campaign and dominating the airwaves while forcing government workers to attend rallies through intimidation. 

      He missed his swearing-in for a new six-year term on January 10, but the Supreme Court approved an indefinite delay. 

      First elected in 1998, Chavez had since worked to consolidate his power and make his revolution "irreversible." 

      But his policies drove a wedge into Venezuelan society, alienating the wealthy with expropriations while wooing the poor with social handouts. 

      - AFP/xq


  • Dalforce 1941's Avatar
    2,185 posts since Dec '11
    • Malaysia launches attack to clear out militants
      By M. Jegathesan
      Tuesday, Mar 05, 2013

      LAHAD DATU, Malaysia - Malaysian security forces launched an assault on Tuesday to clear out armed Filipino intruders engaged in a three-week incursion that has left 27 people dead.

      Prime Minister Najib Razak said in a statement run by national news agency Bernama that negotiations with the Filipino militants, believed to number 100-300 and holed up in a farming village, had failed.

      "At 7:00 am this morning, security forces launched an attack on Tanduo village," Najib said.

      A total of 27 people have been reported killed since the militants landed on February 12 in the state of Sabah on Borneo island by boat and claimed the state on behalf of the heir to a now-defunct Philippine Islamic sultanate.

      It has been Malaysia's worst security crisis in years, underlining instability and lawlessness in the seas between the two countries and exposing lax Malaysian security along its coast.

      "The longer this invasion lasts, it is clear to the authorities that the invaders do not intend to leave Sabah," Najib said.

      "The government must take action to safeguard the dignity and sovereignty of the country as required by the people."

      Violence first erupted on Friday when a shootout between security forces and the militants left 12 Filippinos and two police officers dead.


  • Dalforce 1941's Avatar
    2,185 posts since Dec '11
    • Q: Do you regard the Trans-Pacific Partnership free trade arrangement (TPP) a part of the U.S. rebalancing strategy?

      Yan Xuetong : I think the TPP is just an economic banner to cover the U.S. political goal. Their political goal is to unite as many countries as possible in the Asia-Pacific region and to make them America's friends, and to get more political support from those countries as U.S. rivalry with China gets more heated.

      But I don't think the TPP can be established in next 10 years, because most of these countries in the region cannot meet the economic standards required of them to join. It is very difficult even for Japan.


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    2,185 posts since Dec '11

      The Indian peranakans of Malaysia   19 March 2012

      The tiny Melaka Chitty community offers important lessons on diversity and the strength of flexible identity.
      Old picture of a newly married Chitty couple. The groom A Subramaniam Pathair is wearing a traditional South Indian wedding dress and the bride L Chinamah Naiken is wearing the Baba-Nyonya headdress and the Malay Baju Kebaya Panjang Labuh. 
      Images: K Nadarajan Raja

      Since taking over as prime minister of Malaysia in 2009, Datuk Seri Najib Razak has been promoting a particular vision of nation-building, encapsulated in the catchy slogan ‘1Malaysia’. In an interview in 2010, the prime minister explained that he aims to strengthen Malaysian society by encouraging a spirit of tolerance that would gradually lead to the acceptance and, finally, celebration of Malaysia’s significant cultural diversity. According to official publications, 1Malaysia seeks to strengthen the relationships and cooperation among the country’s multi-ethnic peoples. While critics say that the concept merely re-packages old Malaysian ‘moderate’ values into a new public-relations tool for the Barisan Nasional, the ruling coalition, many others believe that if properly implemented, the campaign could be a step in the right direction. While a clear roadmap of how this pluralistic society – where ethnic identities are endemic and political – can achieve such an ideal has yet to emerge, Malaysia’s experience is of interest to countries across South and Southeast Asia for its capacity to maintain a fragile ethnic balance and minimise ethnic conflict.

      In Malaysia, it has been rare for hybrid identities to survive into the modern period. For economic expediency, the British divided the indigenous Malay, Indian and Chinese diasporas by occupation and therefore also by geographic location. In part, this was similar to the divide-and-conquer policies used by the British elsewhere in the colonies, including between the Hindu and Muslim communities in India. In Malaysia, the Indians were employed in the rubber estates and other plantations, the Chinese in the tin mines, while the Malays remained in agriculture and fishing. Inevitably, this resulted in a society deeply divided along ethnic lines.

      Against this complicated background, the forefathers of Malayan independence confronted the daunting task of maintaining the fragile multi-ethnic balance within the framework of the Constitution of Malaya, as the country was called prior to independence (not including ‘East’ Malaysia, consisting of the Borneo states of Sabah and Sarawak). After the Japanese occupation from 1942 to 1945, Britain’s overriding concern was to unite Malaya under one federation. Ironically but unsurprisingly, British efforts at crafting a constitution for an independent Malaya were hampered by the ethnic cleavages they themselves had created. As a consequence, the build-up to independence saw the growth of Malay nationalism and the emergence of three ethnically exclusive political parties: the dominant United Malays National Organization (UMNO), the Malayan Chinese Association (MCA) and the Malayan Indian Congress (MIC).

      Though Malaya gained its independence from the British in 1957, the Federation of Malaysia only came into existence in 1963 with the amalgamation of Sabah and Sarawak as well as Singapore (which left the federation shortly thereafter). From the start, the political stability of multi-ethnic Malaysia was premised on the numerical majority and political primacy of the ethnic Malays, who together with the indigenous populations of Sabah and Sarawak were entitled to special constitutionally enshrined rights as bumiputeras – sons of the soil. At the same time, the Constitution guaranteed protection of the genuine and legitimate interests of the non-Malay communities. Since then, both at the federal and the state levels, Malaysian politics has been organised around ethnicity and race.

      Today, most Malaysians continue to define their identity primarily by race. Indeed, it is rare to come across hybrid Malaysian communities that practice multiculturalism and do not classify themselves as solely Malay, Chinese or Indian, particularly because the state’s distribution of resources is based on race. In other words, no one wants to be left behind with respect to access to government employment, scholarships or education, sectors that have race-based quotas.

      A modern-day Chitty bride and her entourage, all wearing Malay dress. The bride is also wearing a Baba-Nyonya headdress.

      Hindu amalgam
      Yet unknown to many Malaysians, for the last 600 years a small community (today about 700 people) known as the Melaka Chittys has been quietly practicing the values espoused by 1Malaysia, imbibing neighbouring ethnicities, languages and cultures to create a hybrid identity. Malaysia’s ethnic politics and cultural diversity have long drawn the attention of scholars from around the world, but even 54 years after independence this society continues to be viewed primarily through the prism of its most dominant and visible ethnic communities. Its numerous smaller hybrid communities, meanwhile, remain largely unknown. In fact, in official parlance they are often classified under the vague category of ‘Others’, though the Chittys themselves are lumped together with the ‘Indians’.

      The Melaka Chittys live tucked away in Gajah Berang, a small village on the shores of the famed Melaka Strait that was given to them by Dutch colonisers in 1781. Now it is located in the heart of the historic town of Melaka. Also known as the ‘straits-born Hindus’ or the ‘Indianperanakans’ (the Malay word for ‘local born’), the heterogeneous Chitty community was born of a long history of inter-marriage between women from the local Malay, Javanese, Chinese and Batak communities and Indian traders from Kalinga (presumably in modern-day Orissa and Andhra Pradesh, though most today claim to be of Tamil origin). These latter settled in Melaka during the heyday of the spice trade in the early 15th century, long before the arrival of the European colonisers. In fact, the Chittys trace their roots back to the days of the founder of the Melaka sultanate, King Parameswara (1344-1414).

      While the Chittys went on to assimilate an extraordinary mix of cultural practices due to these mixed marriages, two distinct features continue to define them 600 years later. First is their steadfast adherence to Hinduism; second, a local Malay patois that is their lingua franca. Local sources at Gajah Berang suggest that while the Indian men remained loyal to their religion over hundreds of years, their local wives introduced a host of local practices, food and clothing into their households. The results have been fascinating. The Chittys unwaveringly observe Hindu festivals and auspicious days with much fanfare, but the offerings made to the gods – nasi lemakkuih-muih, chili achar – are obviously influenced by Malay cuisine. 

      Chitty wedding attire is another striking example. The groom wears traditional South Indian outfits, while the bride holds her own in an ethnic Baba-Nyonya headdress and the Malay baju kebaya panjang labuh. In fact, the Baba-Nyonya are themselves a mixed community, emerging as a result of Chinese-Malay intermarriages. Locals in Gajah Berang suggest that the Baba-Nyonya and Chittys also bonded due to intermarriage; as a result, the Chittys borrowed the Baba-Nyonya bridal headdress for their own wedding ceremonies. The baju kebaya, meanwhile, is the traditional clothing for Malay women; the panjang (long) labuh (loose) refers to the types worn by Malay women in the neighbouring state of Johor.

      It is interesting to note that despite their mixed heritage and dilution of their Indian ethnicity, the Chitty community is still generally seen as Indian in Malaysia. Yet in a country where an overwhelming majority of Indians speak Tamil, the Chittys stand out as having consistently used the Malay language for six centuries. In fact, most Chittys speak no Tamil whatsoever except for religious purposes, and even then it is sparingly used. At the same time, it is very common in a Chitty home today to find members belonging to an array of ethnic communities. Chitty cuisine is also indicative of all these multicultural influences, particularly of the Malays.

      How has Chitty culture survived in spite of frequent intermarriage? The answer, simply, is that when a Chitty man marries a non-Chitty woman, the bride is required to ‘adapt’ to the Chitty way of life, embracing Hindu practices, the Malay language and a host of other Chitty cultural practices. At the same time, the woman is free to introduce additional cultural practices of her own into the house, especially when it comes to food and dress (and historically, the locally spoken Malay language). Some believe that such compromises have allowed the Chitty way of life to continue despite dwindling numbers and constant intermarriages. 

      Now, however, many older Chittys lament that members of the younger generation are quickly leaving behind their unique heritage and assimilating into the mainstream Tamil Indian culture of Malaysia. This may be particularly true for those who marry ethnic Indian women, adopt mainstream Tamil Indian cultural traits, send their children to Tamil-language schools and seek to recover what they see as a ‘lost’ language and culture. On a deeper level, this ‘return’ to their original ‘pure’ ethnic ancestry could be regarded as an attempt to belong to the mainstream ethnic communities by shedding the image of marginalisation. There are others, however, who believe that the unique Chitty identity must be maintained at all costs. 

      Old family photo from British colonial times. Note the Malay dresses worn by the women.

      Tattering history
      The history of the Melaka Chitty has yet to be recorded by professional historians. This lack of scholarship rests primarily on the absence of written records within the Chitty community, as most such documents have been lost over the last six centuries. Most Chittys feel that over time they have also lost their sense of community and their connection to their history and culture; old traditions of oral history and storytelling are fast disappearing. 

      A local group, the Chitty Cultural Association, has taken the initiative to locate, collect and preserve the few historical sources that remain. A small museum in Gajah Berang appears to be the community’s most complete and perhaps its only local repository of historical narrative. The association believes that some relevant primary documents still survive in archives in India, Indonesia and Portugal; the Chittys in Singapore, who migrated to the island soon after its separation from Malaysia, also possess some historical photographs. At the moment, however, the exact whereabouts of this potential documentation is unknown. If located, preserved and made accessible, such documents would be invaluable to the study of Melaka Chitty history – and could also offer today’s Malaysians an increased sense of their shared past and identity.

      Consequently, today very few Malaysians are even aware of the existence of this unique community, and often confuse the Chittys with the better-known Indian trading caste, or chettiars. In the early Melaka period, the Chittys had wielded considerable influence in the court, and even held high offices like that of the syahbandar (harbour master) andbendahara (a position almost equal to the prime minister). However, they later earned a degree of unpopularity for indirectly siding with the Portuguese conquest of Melaka in 1511 in return for trade privileges, as part of a power contest with the Indian Muslims who also wielded considerable power under the Melaka sultanate. Over the years, however, the Chittys have become less visible due to decreasing numbers, intermarriages as well as migration to Singapore, where many have converted to Christianity. 

      While the Chittys themselves believe that their history provides valuable lessons for today’s 1Malaysia campaign, this diminishing community today faces a serious identity crisis. Even as many Chitty men marrying Indian women now identify less with their Chitty roots, some continue to hold on to their unique ways and practices, which have historically merged with original Tamil culture to create something exceptional and truly Malaysia. In recent years, as Malaysian Indians have asserted their own identities more strongly, the Chittys have remained generally untouched by this process. In fact, the Chitty Cultural Association recently made a request to the government, noting that due to the community’s unique heritage and historical roots in Melaka state, it should be granted the status of bumiputera like the other mixed communities, such as the descendants of the early Portuguese settlers in Melaka.

      Among the Chittys, the notion of 1Malaysia exists and already has a history. Whether this history can be replicated once again in a country that has been practising ethnic politics since its independence remains to be seen. But given their minuscule numbers, rapidly diminishing identity and lack of visibility, it is highly unlikely that their unique heritage can be held up as an example of how ‘unity in diversity’ can be achieved through the creation of new communities through inter-marriage. Furthermore, as long as the historically created ethnic-based political parties continue to exist in present-day Malaysia, the three major races will continue to cling to their own identities, thus effectively negating any historical gain that may have been made by such hybrid communities.

      ~ Anindita Dasgupta is an associate professor of history at Taylor’s University in Kuala Lumpur.

      ~ K Nadarajan Raja is secretary of the Chitty Cultural Association and a former chairperson of the Chitty Museum in Melaka.





      The Chitty are a distinctive group of Tamil people found mainly in Malacca and Singapore, who are also known as the Indian Peranakans



      Harry Lee Kuan Yew is a hakka peranakan. There are also indian peranakans. Both are peranakans. I am curious as to the views of Harry Lee Kuan Yew towards the indian peranakans.

      Hakka peranakans like Harry Lee Kuan Yew and Lee Hsien Loong can become prime ministers of Singapore. Indians cannot be prime minister of Singapore.

      What about indian peranakans? Can they be prime ministers of Singapore?

      Edited by Dalforce 1941 02 Mar `13, 2:39PM
  • Dalforce 1941's Avatar
    2,185 posts since Dec '11
    • On the racist views of the grand master of asia, peranakan baba Harry Kuan Yew:




      "Three women were brought to the Singapore General Hospital, each in the same 

      condition and needing a blood transfusion. The first, a Southeast Asian was given the 

      transfusion but died a few hours later. The second, a South Asian was also given a 

      transfusion but died a few days later. The third, an East Asian, was given a 

      transfusion and survived. That is the X factor in development." 

      - Harry Lee Kuan Yew


      Lee Kuan Yew: Race, Culture and Genes



      Indians cannot be prime minister of Singapore says asian grand master peranakan baba Harry Lee Kuan Yew:



      Were you a candidate for the top job?

      I was considered as a member of the group. At that time, we did not know who would be the successor to Lee. We finally made the decision to pick Goh Chok Tong. He agreed on condition that I agreed to be his number two. So I was the second DPM; he was the first DPM. In 1988, Lee asked Goh to take over, but he was not ready. He said: two more years. So two years later, he took the job.

      Lee did not agree with your decision to pick Goh.

      No, he did not disagree. He said he would leave it to us. His own first choice was Tony Tan. Goh Chok Tong was his second choice.

      I was his third choice because he said my English was not good enough.

      He said Dhanabalan was not right because Singapore was not ready for an Indian prime minister. That upset the Indian community. There was quite a bit of adverse reaction to what he said. But he speaks his mind. He is the only one who can get away with it.





      Although the sinkeh dominated Singapore's population, it was the babas who dominated public decision-making. In effect, a baba minority captured sinkeh Singapore, and that minority's attitudes were more those of Victorian England than China.

      It was the babas who were the framers of Singapore's rules and institutions. Many of Singapore's most prominent Chinese have had baba backgrounds.Lee Kuan Yew, who became prime minister of Singapore aged just 35, is the most obvious example. He claims a Hakka heritage, although his upbringing was that of a baba: at home, he spoke English with his parents and baba Malay to his grandparents. "Mandarin was totally alien to me and unconnected with my life," Lee said of his childhood.

      For Lee, Chineseness was an acquired skill and later a political necessity. He was not brought up as a Chinese with a focus on China, but as a baba who looked to England...




      "Mandarin was totally alien to me and unconnected with my life," Lee said of his childhood.

      For Lee, Chineseness was an acquired skill and later a political necessity.


      Singapore was not ready for an Indian prime minister. That upset the Indian community. 

      Edited by Dalforce 1941 02 Mar `13, 2:11PM
  • Dalforce 1941's Avatar
    2,185 posts since Dec '11
    • Originally posted by gobDestroyer:

      Although, state government has more authority than federal government in India, it's just the way it operates.

      He is just the ruler of a tiny city state after all. He has no experience whatsoever of ruling a big country with multiple huge cities, local governments and huge provinces.

      He is just a frog in a well.

      “Who is this ridiculous man who wastes my time? Running Singapore is like running Marseilles. I am running a whole country!”

      -Francois Mitterrand, President of France

      “A little Emperor … of a tiny Middle Kingdom.”

      “All those who met the great man from the little country were lectured on how Malaysia should be run.”

      “Singapore is a tiny country. Don’t talk big.”
      - Mahathir Mohamed, Prime Minister of Malaysia



      PAP also got rid of the old Singapore city council. Lee Kuan Yew cannot tolerate other centres of power outside of his control.  He needs total control.


      City Council of Singapore


      Edited by Dalforce 1941 02 Mar `13, 1:54PM
  • Dalforce 1941's Avatar
    2,185 posts since Dec '11
    • Originally posted by Computers70mmmm:

      I really feel I just just do it, tham constantly thinking about it.

      No, you can't.

      Suicide is the most cowardly thing to do. That is very disrespectful and selfish of you to your family and parents. 

      Your mother took 9 months to give birth to you. 

      Your parents will want to see you get married and live happily ever after,  and to let them have a chance to carry their grandchildren in their arms.

      To live is to show filial piety to your mother and father. 

      If you die, you will cause sadness, tears and heartpain to your mother. 

      If you commit suicide, SAF will not pay any compensation to your family and the cost of the funeral due to it is an dishonourable action. Your family will even have to out money themselves to pay for the funeral, urn, cremation, burial and final resting place. 

      Your mother will cry her heart out.

      Edited by eac 02 Mar `13, 1:52AM
  • Dalforce 1941's Avatar
    2,185 posts since Dec '11
    • Originally posted by Mr Milo:

      and what this professor is saying is bloody bullshit!


      So did he oppose the ultimate supreme grand master of asia's "stop at 2" policy during 1970s?


      'Stop at 2' Campaign Works Too Well; Singapore Urges New Baby Boom


      June 21, 1987


      SINGAPORE — A lengthy campaign to persuade parents in Singapore to "stop at two" children has worked too well, and government officials are now offering a package of financial incentives in an attempt to spark a baby boom.

      But the major policy shift has left parents baffled, mothers indignant, sociologists skeptical and private employers nervous about potential costs.

      "Are we being told to have more children for the sake of the country or for ourselves?" asked J. D. Indran, the father of a 2-year-old boy.


      "It's not just a question of finances," Indran said. "A baby must be wanted mentally and spiritually. It would basically be a disservice to the country to bring up an unwanted child."

      'Laughter and Silence'

      "These rules are made by men who have no concept of what's involved in raising children," said Thio Su Mien, a mother who had three children "when it was antisocial to have them."

      "My reaction (to the policy change) is laughter and silence," she said.

      Government officials say that the call for more children was sparked by alarm over an increase in the number of adults who do not marry and a rise in the number of married couples who postpone having children. Without a change in the birth rate, officials contend, there will not be enough young people paying taxes by 2030 to provide services for the 800,000 residents 60 years old and above.

      "In order for any nation to survive, it has to change in accordance with changes in circumstances," First Deputy Prime Minister Goh Chok Tong said. "For us, it is even more necessary."

      1960s Program

      Goh cautioned couples who cannot afford larger families to refrain from having more children. But he said that most can support three children and those "who can really afford it" should have more.

      The government, fearful of a runaway population overwhelming the job market, housing and health care facilities, embarked on its population control program in the 1960s. After the Family Planning and Population Board Act was passed in 1965, young people were bombarded with government slogans such as "Girl or Boy--Two Is Enough" from officials, teachers and other advisers. At the time, four or five children per family was the norm, and experts warned that the population would climb to a staggering 5 million people by the year 2000, overwhelming the 239-square-mile city-state.

      To help convince parents that fewer were better, the government legalized abortion and encouraged voluntary sterilization. Hospital fees went up as a woman had more babies, working mothers were allowed only two paid maternity leaves and a family's third, fourth and subsequent children were given a lower priority in the choice of and admission to schools.

      The measures had an immediate effect. Birth rates dropped sharply in the first four years and continued to decline. The small family grew in appeal as more people were educated, women joined the work force and incomes rose. The fertility rate--the number of children each woman is likely to have--dropped steadily from 4.7 per woman in 1965 to the planned level of 2.1 in 1975.

      Campaign Backfired

      But the campaign then began to backfire. The decline in the birth rate did not level off. Officials say that the average Singapore woman is likely to have only one or two children today. They predict that the population will peak at 3 million in 2020 and then decline.


      Goh said that the government could not have anticipated the problem. If every woman had married and had two children, the population would be replacing itself, he said.

      "It's because large numbers of people remain unmarried and the better-educated ones who are married have fewer than two children," Goh said.

      Married couples now have "to make up for those who are not (having children) or who are under-producing," Goh said, while the government seeks ways to encourage single adults to marry.

      Tax Rebates, Subsidies

      The package of incentives is aimed at reducing the financial burden of having more children, he said. It includes special tax rebates, subsidies for child-care centers, priorities in government-subsidized housing and the removal of earlier disincentives discouraging more than two children.

      Seeking cooperation from employers, the government is encouraging part-time and flexi-time employment for women with young children, extended maternity leave and the retraining of mothers who rejoin the labor force after having children.

      Goh is optimistic that Singapore residents will be replacing themselves by 1995 with the help of the new policies. But critics note that the emphasis on economics completely ignores major social changes and the realities of caring for babies.

      "We have a new breed of women," Malla Tan, a University of Singapore sociologist, said. "They're involved in their careers and have become used to a certain amount of leisure and more material possessions.


      "Many prefer to be single. For those who marry, first they're told to stop at two children, but one is even better. Then they hear they should have three or more. It's crazy. It unnecessarily creates stress."

      The new government campaign also reflects a condescending attitude toward women, Tan said. "They tell women what to do, and they expect them to do it," Tan said.



      "Many prefer to be single. For those who marry, first they're told to stop at two children, but one is even better. Then they hear they should have three or more. It's crazy. It unnecessarily creates stress."No 'Bandwagon' SeenLena Lim, president of the Assn. of Women for Research, said the question of another child "is more one of time than money."

      "I don't see anyone jumping on the bandwagon," she said. "Two children are enough for someone trying to balance the demands of a career and family."

      Lim also contended that the policy tells the elderly "they are a problem. It's very patronizing."

      Judy Tan, an office manager with one son, said the official rhetoric "ignores the basic question of who brings up a child."

      "I don't know how men feel," she said. "But it's still the woman who gets up in the middle of the night and tends to the babies. Instead of having more children, I would rather give the best to the one I have."







      Harry Lee Kuan Yew is the supreme grand master of asia, if he says stop at 2, you have to stop at 2. He says have more babies, you got to deliver the goods.

      No one can oppose the grand master of asia.
      Edited by Dalforce 1941 06 Mar `13, 7:43PM
  • Dalforce 1941's Avatar
    2,185 posts since Dec '11