Singapore English has its origins in the schools of colonial Singapore. In the nineteenth century very few children went to school at all, and even fewer were educated in English. The local lingua franca was a pidginised variety of Malay, called Pasar Melayu, or Bazaar Malay. This can still be heard in the region, especially from older people. The people who spoke English and sent their children to English medium schools were mainly the Europeans, the Eurasians (people of mixed racial ancestry), some of the small minorities, such as the Jews, some of the Indians and Ceylonese, and also a group of Chinese people usually called the Straits Chinese, who had ancestors of long residence in the region, and who spoke a variety of Malay usually called Baba Malay which was influenced by Hokkien Chinese and by Bazaar Malay. The fact that all these children would have known Malay probably explains why most of the loan words in Singapore Colloquial English are from Malay. The largest group of teachers were Eurasians, and there were also many teachers from Ceylon and India. European teachers were never more than a quarter of the total teaching staff in a school, and they usually taught the senior classes. These Europeans may have been from Britain (which at that time included Ireland) but were also from the USA, Belgium and France. The children in these schools would have been exposed to many varieties of English.
In the first twenty years of the twentieth century, English medium education became popular for all groups. Girls started going to school in larger numbers too. By the 1950s nearly all children went to school, and the majority were educated in English. By the 1980s. all education was in the medium of English (with children learning another language alongside English). Singapore English probably grew out of the English of the playground of these children of various linguistic backgrounds who were learning English at school. As more and more of its people experienced learning English at school, English became widely spoken, alongside Singapore's many other languages. Since Singapore became an independent Republic in 1965, the use of English has increased still further. For many Singaporeans, English is the main language. Many families speak English at home and it is one of the the first languages learnt by about half of the current pre-school children. Well over half of the population born since 1965 are native speakers of English, and the proportion of native speakers of English is still rising.
Nearly everyone in Singapore speaks more than one language, with many people speaking three or four. Most children grow up bilingual from infancy and learn more languages as they grow up. Naturally the presence of other languages (especially various varieties of Malay and of Chinese) has influenced the English of Singapore. The influence is especially apparent in the kind of English that is used informally, which is popularly called Singlish, but which is called Singapore Colloquial English or Colloquial Singapore English in most academic writing.
Singlish is a badge of identity for many Singaporeans, and, as you can see from the satirical website, Talkingcock, there are some websites that are written in it. Many Singaporeans move smoothly between Singapore Colloquial English and Standard English. As most Singaporeans use a lot of Singapore Colloquial English to their children, children tend to speak Singapore Colloquial English before they speak Standard English. It is still the case in Singapore that the younger you are and the richer your family is, the more likely you are to have English (and that usually means Singapore Colloquial English) as your native language. But Standard English is used in formal contexts, as it is all over the English-using world. Take a look at Singapore's leading English newspaper, The Straits Times.
Since the 1960s linguists and sociologists have studied the features and the functions of English in Singapore from a number of perspectives. Those who would like to know about studies of Singapore English should look at my annotated list of the major works on Singapore English. You might also like to look at the articles which I wrote on Singapore English for Speech Therapists. David Deterding maintains a full scholarly bibliography of academic work on Singapore English.
There is also plenty of creative work in English by Singaporeans and you can find lots of information about Singapore literature at the Contemporary and Postcolonial and Postimperial Literature in English site maintained by George Landow.
You can read more about the history of Singapore English in:
Gupta, Anthea Fraser. 1994. The Step-tongue: Children's English in Singapore. Clevedon: Multilingual Matters.
Oh I see, you are finally getiing the point aren't you?Originally posted by SingaporeTyrannosaur:
LOL, do you need a course to learn how to walk? Code switching comes naturally to all good English speakers. Simply put, to teach code switching means one has to teach our people to speak good English. Code switching comes naturally once the user understands the difference in structure in both languages.
Mechanics
Code-switching is distinct from pidgin, in which features of two languages are combined. However, creole languages (which are very closely related to pidgins), when in close contact with related standard languages (such as with Jamaican Creole English or Guyanese Creole English), can exist in a continuum within which speakers may code-switch along a basilect-mesolect-acrolect hierarchy depending on context. Code-switching is also different from (but is often accompanied by) spontaneous borrowing of words from another language, sometimes outfitted with the inflections of the host language, sometimes not.
Code-switching within a sentence tends to occur more often at points where the syntax of the two languages align; thus it is uncommon to switch from English to French after an adjective and before a noun, because a French noun normally "expects" its adjectives to follow it. It is, however, often the case that even unrelated languages can be "aligned" at the boundary of a relative clause or other sentence sub-structure.
Intersentential switching, switching outside the sentence or clause level, for example at sentence or clause boundaries
Intra-sentential switching, switching within a sentence or clause
Tag-switching, switching a tag phrase or word from language B into language A (this is a common intra-sentential switch)
Intra-word switching, switching within a word itself, such as at morpheme boundary
Example
Kroskrity (2000:340-341) gives the following example of code-switching by three older male Arizona Tewa speakers, who are trilingual in Tewa, Hopi, and English. The topic concerns the selection of a site for a new high school on the eastern Hopi Reservation:
Speaker A: Tututqaykit qanaanawakna. [spoken in Hopi]
Speaker B: WédÃt’ókánkÂ’egenaÂ’adi imbà akhonidi. [spoken in Tewa]
Speaker C: Naembà eeyae nąeląemo dÃbÃt’ó’ámmà kąayįÂ’į wédimu::di. [spoken in Tewa]
English translation:
Speaker A: "Schools were not wanted." [spoken in Hopi]
Speaker B: "They didn't want a school on their land." [spoken in Tewa]
Speaker C: "It's better if our children go to school right here rather than far away." [spoken in Tewa]
In this two-hour conversation, these men had been speaking primarily in Tewa. However, when Speaker A makes a statement that considers the Hopi Reservation as a whole, he switches to Hopi. This usage of the Hopi language when speaking of Hopi-related issues is a conversational norm in the Arizona Tewa speech community. Kroskrity makes the claim that these Arizona Tewa who identify both as Hopi and Tewa use the different languages to help construct and maintain these discrete ethnic identities linguistically.
See also
Code-switching
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Code-switching is a term in linguistics referring to alternation between two or more languages, dialects, or language registers in a single conversation, stretch of discourse, or utterance between people who have more than one language in common.
Early work on bilingualism claimed that codeswitching was not governed by systematic rules. Linguists now agree that this early claim was incorrect[citation needed].
There are two principal directions in which code-switching research has developed. One focuses on the social motivations for switching, a line of inquiry concentrating both on immediate discourse factors such as lexical need and the topic and setting of the discussion, and on more distant factors such as speaker or group identity, and relationship-building.
The other direction of research concerns syntactic constraints on switching. This is a line of inquiry that has postulated grammatical rules and specific syntactic boundaries for where and why a switch may occur.
Notable examples
Aku/Dialect des Krio
Afro-Seminole Creole
Antiguan Creole: spoken in Antigua and Barbuda
Antillian Creole English
Australian Kriol: Also known as Roper River Creole, has become the major non-English language among Aboriginal Australians with over 10,000 first language speakers.
Bahamian Dialect: an English-based creole, widely spoken in the Bahamas
Belizean Kriol is spoken in Belize.Closely related to Miskito Coastal Creole, Jamaican Creole, Rio Abajo Creole, Colón Creole, and San Andrés and Providencia Creole.
Bislama: Bislama (older Bêche-la-mar) is an English-based creole, and is the national language of Vanuatu.
Cameroonian Pidgin English, Kamtok, or Cameroonian Creole: is a linguistic entity of Cameroon. It is also known as Kamtok. Two varieties are Limbe-Krio and Grafi. Cameroonian Pidgin English is an English-based creole language. About 5% of Cameroonians are native speakers of the language.
Englog (popularly known as Konyo English): is a creole spoken in the Philippines. It is English infused with Tagalog, and to some extent, Spanish words and phrases. Unlike its parent tongue, Taglish, it has its own structure and lexicon and because of this it is often considered as a bastardized version of English by some purists. The creole was originally spoken by Filipino mestizo teenagers who intend to Filipinize themselves. However, due to massive media attention, it gradually became part of the mainstream culture.
Gullah: Gullah is an English-based creole spoken in the Sea Islands and the adjacent coastal regions of South Carolina, Georgia and northern Florida.
Guyanese Creole: Spoken throughout Guyana and similar to Jamaican Creole (see below), but with a different accent and some word substitutions; probably due to the greater Indian (Indo-Guyanese not Amerindian) influence. The language varies across the regions within the country.
Hawaiian Creole English: Hawaiian Pidgin began as a pidgin used in the early European colonization of the Hawaiian Islands. English served as the superstrate language, with Chinese, Japanese, Filipino, Portuguese, and Hawaiian elements incorporated. Children started using it as a lingua franca, and by the 1920s it had creolized and become a minor language of Hawaii, as it still is today.
Kru English
Jamaican Creole: Not to be confused with Jamaican English, which is a dialect of English. Jamaican Creole is an English-based creole language spoken in Jamaica. It represents a history of contact among many different types of speakers drawn from many ethnic, linguistic, and social background. Naturally understandable to speakers of creoles in Guyana, Nicaragua, Panama and Costa Rica. Reported to be extremely close to Belize Creole, the English Creole of the Bahamas, close to Guyana, Grenada, Virgin Islands and Saint Vincent creoles, as well as being very close to Sierra Leone Krio. Jamaica Creole is the dominant language in Jamaica and gaining in prestige.
Krio: Spoken in Sierra Leone.
Kreyol: is spoken in Liberia, and has English and French as superstrate languages, with several West African languages as substrate.
Manglish: spoken in Malaysia, mixture of mainly Malay, Mandarin, Hokkien, Cantonese, Tamil (a south Indian Dravidian language), and British English.
Mekatelyu: spoken in coastal Costa Rica after introduction from Jamaica.
MÃskito Creole English: MÃskito Coastal Creole is a language spoken in Nicaragua based on English. It is nearly identical Belizean Creole (Kriol), and similar to all Central American Creoles. The number of speakers of MÃskito Coastal Creole is below 200,000[1]. MÃskito Coastal Creole does not have the status of an official language. Spoken in the coastal areas.
Nigerian Pidgin English: While rudimentally spoken all over Nigeria, English is the accepted language of transaction and communication. The Nigerian Pidgin English dates back to the colonial era, where locals were hired to work with the British colonials and ended up developing it to the Creole language it is today. See also Nigerian Pidgin.
Pijin: Spoken in the Solomon Islands.
Pitkern, Norfuk: Spoken exclusively by the inhabitants of the Pitcairn Islands and Pitcairnese migrants in Norfolk Island, an 18th century dialect of English is spoken with the Tahitian language to form the Creole language known as Pitkern, or Norfuk in Norfolk Island.
Saramaccaans, or Saamáka
Saint Kitts Creole: Spoken in Saint Kitts and Nevis.
Singlish: Singlish is a creole based on British English. It originated in Singapore, and spread to parts of Malaysia (known locally as Manglish). It is a mixture of mainly Malay, Mandarin, Hokkien (a Chinese dialect), Tamil (a south Indian Dravidian language), and British English.
Sranan Tongo: in Suriname.
Tok Pisin: is spoken throughout Papua New Guinea. English is the superstrate language, with various Papuan languages providing grammatical and lexical input.
Torres Strait Creole: Spoken by Torres Straits Islanders.
Trinidadian Creole English: Spoken in Trinidad.
Tobagonian Creole English: Spoken in Tobago.
Virgin Islands Creole: Spoken in the Virgin Islands.
And then you have those who are logically incoherent and senselessly illogical despite proclaiming to speak with a brand of "superb grammar".Originally posted by Mat Toro:its not a matter of black or white, its a matter of being able to communicate clearly.
there are many Singaporeans who cannot express themselves properly because they are stuck in singlish.
You've got a deranged idiot trying to paddle some spin to folks with an IQ lower than his shoe size. Apparently, he's still trying hard with his brand of "superb grammar".Originally posted by Dr Who:hoi,----what the fish you 2 talking about ah?
I never quite thought to see the day when someone else actually exceeds the stupidity of OM and Gazelle, or even that noisy lion. I thought they were bad enough.Originally posted by Mat Toro:adadadadada........ wats up doc! me no understand watcha talkin.
El Torro I think you need professional help and please dont miss that appointment.Originally posted by Mat Toro:yes, it was stupid alright. nobody understood what ST is writing. And he insists on directing his language in a way that is not understood by the person he wrote to. I find it very very funny. Ahahahahahahahaha...................
Actually I find it odd that you do not understand given your drive for good and proper english... you are unable to understand such a common phrase used by good english speakers who understand it's latin roots such as damnant quod non intelligunt.Originally posted by Mat Toro:yes, it was stupid alright. nobody understood what ST is writing. And he insists on directing his language in a way that is not understood by the person he wrote to. I find it very very funny. Ahahahahahahahaha...................
Common phrase? How common? Can you back it up with stats on its usage and comprehension by English users?Originally posted by SingaporeTyrannosaur:Actually I find it odd that you do not understand given your drive for good and proper english... you are unable to understand such a common phrase used by good english speakers who understand it's latin roots such as damnant quod non intelligunt.
Or prehaps you are not really pushing for good English, but whatever brand of English Mat Toro happens to use... which unfortunately, seems no better then Singlish.![]()
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Indeed, are you not damnant quod non intelligunt?
I think you're mistaken. How many employers actually hire the deranged and delusional living in self-denial?Originally posted by SingaporeTyrannosaur:In the same vein, just because you do not understand a word like Curriculum Vitae, you do not assume that all the companies in the world are idiots for asking you for it... you might be hard pressed to find employment with such an attitude.
This is sad, now you want common language? Or are you suddenly backing out on your claim that Singaporeans should not be too lazy to learn the higher workings of the language that give it's true flavour and touch?Originally posted by Mat Toro:Common phrase? How common? Can you back it up with stats on its usage and comprehension by English users?
But yoir langauge is not the higher workings of english at all. What are you talking about?Originally posted by SingaporeTyrannosaur:This is sad, now you want common language? Or are you suddenly backing out on your claim that Singaporeans should not be too lazy to learn the higher workings of the language that give it's true flavour and touch?
Is not your kind of LCD approach the very reason the very reason the very Singlish you rail against arose in the first place?
Originally posted by Mat Toro:But yoir langauge is no-blahblahblah

Originally posted by SingaporeTyrannosaur:
+1
What is this language called "yoir" anyway? People are talking about English and Singlish here leh.![]()
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