That the CPF scheme has been 'successful' here so far is entirely because of several reasons which militates against your implementing it in Britain. What are they?
Firstly, it is a 'good' scheme only if you've no other scheme to begin with. If you already have a comprehensive National Health Service and Unemployment Benefits, replacing these with a "Pay Everything Yourself' Compulsory Saving Scheme like the CPF is a retrograde step. And one that the Conservatives will have a field day picking out the drawbacks.
This CPF 'Pay Everything Yourself' scheme pre-supposes one critical condition -- that there will be full employment to start with and full employment in the next 10-15 years of implementation. If you cannot achieve that, you cannot adopt the CPF scheme. This is because the scheme is based on forced contributions from salary. Meaning that if you've no salary, you drop out of the scheme and its intended benefits. With your unemployment rate hovering about 6%?, this means that 6% of your labour force or several millions will be unable to contribute any forced savings.
It will also fail if you ever have a prolonged recession that throws millions out of work. That it hasn't happened yet in Singapore does not mean it never will. Also, creeping or recession-inflicted 'sudden' unemployment will hit our CPF scheme less than it will hit you. The reason is, most households in Singapore are double-income. Both husband and wife work, contributing to their CPF which pay for their house, while maids or grandparents look after the children. When one is out of work, the other can continue the house instalments.
Then, too, the Scheme has been around for decades, so most Contributors have enough savings. If you're just starting out, at a few percent, you do not enjoy this luxury. There is also the question of social justice. Every civilised society has tried to tax from the rich to give to the poor, the basis of your Robin Hood legend. The CPF scheme is the opposite, 'every man for himself', in that you look after yourself because nobody will. What kind of statement about a society's values this says, will be interesting comment from your philosophers.
There is another insidious effect of the CPF. By forcing so many percent of the peoples' salaries into the CPF, then allowing their CPF money for housing, people tend to buy better housing than they can actually afford if they have to pay in cash. This may be good for property developers and the Government housing authority but it means that CPF distorts spending. People, knowing they cannot touch their money until the age of 55, use much of their CPF money for housing while using their cash savings for cars. There is also the 'pyramid' effect. As long as there is full employment, as long as people contribute to their CPF, everything is fine. But once there is unemployment, the 'pyramid' collapses.
Anecdotal evidence: My father's tiny 2-bedroomed flat cost just $7,800 in 1969. He sold it in 1995, 26 years later, for $100,000. My present 3-bedroomed flat cost $89,000 in 1985. Today, 12 years later, it is worth $450,000. This, despite the official inflation figure of about 3% a year. Thus, the CPF scheme leads to two effects. One, people buy bigger houses, thereby spiralling up property prices. Two, they spend all their spare cash on the other desirable, a car. This is why car ownership here is the costliest in the world and leads the Government to impose bigger and bigger car taxes, to no avail.
Thus, the net effect of the CPF is that money is diverted into housing and cars, leaving the retail, insurance and other sectors poorer and less dynamic than they could be. If you have a developed insurance industry, for instance, it will weaken because the CPF will force contributions into health care and retirement savings, reducing the need for private insurance. Your retail sector will also suffer because CPF will reduce discretionary spending there.
How does the CPF scheme really work in practice as against theory?
Firstly, everyone must work. If you've no salary, you don't have CPF contributions to make. Since the contributions are compulsory and their use controlled, it is as if you pass legislation on how a large part of every worker's take-home salary and savings may be spent i.e. a certain part on housing, others on health insurance and even some on certain 'approved' shares. I think you have many economists who will tell you that 'forced and controlled' expenditure is bad.
Then again, unemployment must be measured not only in percentage terms but also in absolute terms. Remember that Singapore's total labour force is only 1.6 million people. Your unemployed alone is several times that. This means that you have several millions who will not contribute to CPF and hence cannot enjoy its benefits. This several millions will not only have no salary to live on but cannot pay for housing or medicine. This can be a huge social problem that your present system addresses well enough.
Also, if they have a job then lose it, the blow will be harder because they will not only have no CPF but also no cash to pay in lieu, a Double Jeopardy situation. Your present Unemployment Benefits are a lot more humane in that it allows that unemployment is not necessarily the fault of the person unemployed, which is the underlying basis of the Singapore system and explains why the Social Welfare pittance for the destitute person is set, punitively, at just $180 a month -- if you can qualify under the harsh conditions.
(Just as the notoriously severe laws on everything from spitting to drug use is indicative of the Paragons of Virtues' inability to understand anyone different from themselves, which has led to their pitiful attempts to legislate human behaviour into unthinking, robotic versions of what they imagine human beings should be).
This letter must come to an end eventually and this is as good a place as any. So, to conclude, I hope you will analyse the CPF scheme and the social and political context in which it can be successful and not just be swayed by the PAP's bragging. But before I end this missive, a disclaimer. This letter is born not out of research or the grapevine of privileged connections. It is entirely the result of what has been reported in the papers but interpreted between the lines, through a jaundiced eye, if you will. In the future, some academic will produce a scholarly tome on the evils of the Lee system and it will be a damning indictment of the PAP. Until then, this letter must serve as a mere introduction.
Your point of CPF as a form of tax was mentioned by another economist Mukul G. Asher. He has writing extensively about the CPF system. Google his name and you can find lots of his views on the Singapore's CPF system that you would never find in the 157th ranking paper.Originally posted by Fingolfin_Noldor:I am no economist, but the way I look at the CPF is that it is a form of tax or at least has the effects of a tax with regard to how people spend their money. It is quite a hefty tax if one looks at it, in addition to income tax. The trouble is, that CPF as it is does not generate much by way of returns if one were to at least invest in funds to get returns. Of course, one might argue that CPF gives guaranteed returns, but those returns are pathetic. Also, it is curious that all these schemes to grow CPF money through unit trusts do not perform well. I do not comprehend how banks can so badly manage these funds, which speaks ill of the banks in question, or is it there is some attempt to fudge the statistics I have no idea.
With regards to the poor investment returns by CPF members, i did some research because the poor returns goes against the understanding of the "efficient market hypothesis" where investors would be "price protected" against bad returns. EMH is one of the empirically strongest theory in finance.
1.The CPF balance sheet states that all of $96.4 billion is invested in non-marketable government securities. l The interest paid on securities is a weighted sum of fixed deposit and saving deposit interest rates; and is
determined quarterly.
2.In actuality, as the government has been consistently enjoying budget surpluses, proceeds from bonds sold to the CPF Board are turned over to Singapore Government Investment Corporation (SGIC). The operations of the SGIC (and other government investment holding companies) do not have to revealed because of statutory provisions. The proceeds however are widely believed to be almost wholly invested abroad.
3.There is thus a disconnect between the administered interest rate paid on CPF balances and the actual investments and returns obtained. The political risk inherent in this arrangement is very high. This arrangement has also not resulted in realizing the potential of the power of compound interest for members as shown in figure 3.