PLA Ground Forces
PLA ground forces have a considerable numerical advantage over TaiwanÂ’s Army and Marine forces. Three group armies are based in Nanjing Military Region opposite Taiwan, and several others most likely would be included as part of the primary attack
force in the event of an all-out invasion of the island. Airborne units, special operations forces, and marine units most likely would support these group armies. Despite its numerical advantage, ChinaÂ’s main ground forces have shortcomings in such areas as
sealift and logistics. However, China is steadily expanding its ability to transport ground forces by air. Special forces could play an important role in achieving objectives in which limited goals, scale of force, and time would be crucial to victory. Special forces missions could include reconnaissance, surveillance, targeting, and battle damage assessments; capturing or assassinating VIPs; locating or destroying communication assets, transport nodes, and
logistic depots; capturing or destroying airfields and ports; supporting invasion forces; destroying air defense assets; and conducting denial and deception and information operations.
Amphibious Invasion
If all other military options for subjugating Taiwan failed, Beijing could try to occupy the entire island of Taiwan. Such an operation would require a major commitment of civilian air and maritime transport assets, and success would not be guaranteed. The PLA's
success in a D-Day-style invasion of Taiwan would rest on a number of variables, some tangible -- principally lack of amphibious lift -- as well as a number of intangibles, including personnel and equipment attrition rates on both sides of the Strait; interoperability of PLA forces; and the ability of China's logistic system to support the necessarily high tempo of operations. For an invasion to succeed, Beijing would have to conduct a multifaceted campaign, involving all of the above options in concert. The PLA most likely would encounter great difficulty conducting such a sophisticated campaign throughout the remainder of the decade. Nevertheless, the campaign could succeed -- barring third-party intervention -- if Beijing were willing to accept the political, economic, diplomatic, and military costs that an invasion would produce.
PLA Counters to Foreign Intervention
Beijing sees Washington as the principal hurdle to any attempt to use military force to regain Taiwan. Therefore, deterring or defeating foreign intervention ahead of TaiwanÂ’s capitulation or defeat would be integral to BeijingÂ’s strategy.
Antiaccess Strategy
China could consider a sea- denial strategy to hold at risk U.S. naval forces approaching the Taiwan Strait. Deep-water naval mines, submarines, cruise missiles, and even special forces could be employed to threaten a U.S. aircraft carrier. This strategyÂ’s tactical elements might include shallow and deep-water mines, submarines, and surface combatants. Information operations assets could attack U.S. C4ISR and logistic systems.
Denial and Deception (D&D)
From China’s perspective, denial and deception are interrelated. The goal of D&D is “to induce the other side to take action that will benefit the deceiver in attaining his goals.” China uses military D&D to induce an adversary to make incorrect decisions and take
military actions that favor the Chinese. Chinese D&D practices appear to be intended to delay or reduce U.S. diplomatic and military roles in crises. Chinese D&D concepts include “counter-surveillance” measures limiting the flow of intelligence adversaries can gather on China, such as restricting news, isolating personnel, and blocking core intelligence. “Strategic deception” would interfere with enemy surveillance. China also could transmit a large volume of false information to enemy surveillance systems. Moreover, the PLA could attempt to conceal and disguise
the battlefield to “show the false while hiding the true situation.”
Underground Facilities The Chinese believe they can defeat the U.S. intelligence apparatus by hiding military activity. China has built civil and military underground facilities for at least four
decades, initially because of fear of a possible war with the former Soviet Union. Enormous resources were dedicated to building national command posts, civil defense facilities, and associated communications in defensible nuclear-hardened underground
facilities. Several of these facilities have fallen into disrepair owing to inadequate maintenance, but China implemented a modernization program in the early 1970s through the early 1980s.
These complexes and others like them have been expanded recently following the Gulf War and other U.S. military operations. Chinese exp erts have noted that “long- range air attacks have become an important pattern of modern warfare.” The Chinese believe that a successful strategic air campaign involves attacks on the defending country over a long period, with emphasis on C3 centers, missile facilities (ballistic and air defense), airfields,
and transportation hubs. China is implementing these lessons with a program to camouflage and protect such potential targets by expanding underground facilities. Operation ALLIED FORCE appears to have had at least as much impact on PLA
thinking as the Gulf War, although more as a validation of earlier assessments of the trends of modern warfare than as a catalyst for change. PLA commentary on NATOÂ’s Kosovo air operation concluded that a superior enemyÂ’s situational awareness and
precision-strike systems could be stymied through effective, and often low-technology, counter-reconnaissance measures, such as camouflage and concealment, simple decoys, dispersion, and frequent movement of forces. U.S. air operations reinforced the PLA focus on using underground facilities, landline communications, and well-concealed supply depots.
A Non-HEMP Unconventional Nuclear Weapon Option
Effects other than high-altitude electromagnetic pulse (HEMP) result from a high-altitude nuclear burst, which causes a substantial change in the ionization of the upper atmosphere, including the ionosphere and magnetosphere. These effects would be likely to significantly degrade warfighting capabilities, including communication links, radar transmissions, and the full spectrum of electro-optic sensors. Depending on the weapon and the altitude of the burst, these effects could persist from seconds to days and extend over thousands of square kilometers. Russian and U.S. experiences with high- altitude nuclear weapon effects have been well documented, and a number of papers are in the public domain and possibly would be known to physicists and engineers worldwide. Thus, PLA theorists who have become aware of these electromagnetic effects may have considered using a nuclear weapon as an unconventional attack option. China could use
high-altitude nuclear bursts to disrupt enemy C4ISR. Sophisticated military capabilities that exploit the full electromagnetic spectrum are more vulnerable to these effects than are less advanced capabilities. In contrast to HEMP, ionization effects would occur
regardless of the weaponÂ’s design or sophistication. This phenomenon raises the possibility of an adversary employing an unsophisticated nuclear weapon as an asymmetric attack option.
TaiwanÂ’s Strengths in Countering PLA Courses of Action
Asymmetric capabilities that Taiwan possesses or is acquiring could deter a Chinese attack by making it unacceptably costly. Taiwan most likely will expand these capabilities either in tandem with or in lieu of improving its conventional forces.
Strike Capabilities Against the Mainland
Taipei political and military leaders have recently suggested acquiring weapon systems capable of standoff strikes against the Chinese mainland as a cost-effective means of deterrence. TaiwanÂ’s Air Force already has a latent capability for airstrikes against China. Leaders have publicly cited the need for ballistic and land-attack cruise missiles. Since Taipei cannot match BeijingÂ’s ability to field offensive systems, proponents of
strikes against the mainland apparently hope that merely presenting credible threats to ChinaÂ’s urban population or high- value targets, such as the Three Gorges Dam, will deter
Chinese military coercion.
Diplomatic Support
President ChenÂ’s administration has sought to elicit international sympathy for TaiwanÂ’s plight in the face of ChinaÂ’s growing ballistic missile force, for which the island has no adequate countermeasures. A diplomatic initiative begun late in 2002 sought to draw international attention to the growing cross-Strait missile imbalance. A resolution demanding that China withdraw its missiles from the Taiwan Strait area was initially selected as the topic for the islandÂ’s first popular referendum. Taipei probably hopes
these efforts will deter such an attack by increasing the prospect for diplomatic consequences.
Computer Network Attack
TaiwanÂ’s limited ability to attack Chinese military bases has prompted some Taiwan authors to endorse attacking ChinaÂ’s command and control systems to achieve information superiority. Specific targets would include Chinese airports, command and
control centers, and communication nodes. Taiwan has significant potential in this area, thanks to the islandÂ’s high information technology level and the militaryÂ’s ability to conscript personnel from a tech-savvy population.
Psychological Warfare
The Taiwan militaryÂ’s principal psychological warfare (PSYWAR) organization is the General Political Warfare Bureau of the Ministry of National Defense (MND). Subordinate units conducting strategic psychological operations include the 1st Psychological Operations (PSYOP) Group, three Army PSYOP companies responsible
for publishing and propaganda, and the Political Warfare College, which trains PSYWAR cadre. The Army PSYWAR Preparedness Center was set up in January 2002. This center will carry out future PSYOP missions with the armed forces' first wholly dedicated PSYWAR units, integrated with combat intelligence. If the PSYWAR Preparedness Center succeeds, a special command organization will be set up in the MND. Army, Navy, and Air Force PSYOP units probably will be organized in the future.
Electronic Warfare
EW is a top Taiwan military priority because of concerns about ChinaÂ’s own developing EW capabilities. During the islandÂ’s HANKUANG-19 exercise in 2003, tactical EW units exercised jamming against command and control networks and intelligence
collection systems supporting enemy amphibious landings. TaiwanÂ’s MND Communications Development Office also reportedly has a strategic EW capability. Taiwan has more than 30 other ground electronic reconnaissance stations and communications intelligence stations.
Information Operations
Taiwan’s MND has identified information warfare as a key area for modernization. The military intends that information operations, along with command and control systems, will survive an initial PLA assault. Taiwan’s ongoing “Posheng” C4ISR modernization
project includes electronic countermeasure and electronic counter-countermeasure enhancements. These efforts aim to ensure TaiwanÂ’s C4ISR survives kinetic and nonkinetic attacks, such as cyberwarfare. In the past 2 years, training exercises worked
to set a firm foundation for information operations capabilities.